A. Oddy (ed.): Coinage and History in the Seventh Century Near East II, Proceedings of the 12th Seventh Century Syrian Numismatic Round Table held at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge on 4th and 5th April 2009 (2010), pp. 11 - 21 Symbolism on the Syrian Standing Caliph Copper Coins A contribution to the discussion Wolfgang Schulze 1 Fig. 1 In the early 690s (AH 70s) – more than 50 years after the Arab conquest of Syria – ‘Abd al-Malik (685-705 – 65-86 AH) introduced fiscal, administrative and military reforms and religious policies. In many respects he founded the Muslim state itself. One of his reforms was the introduction of the Standing Caliph coinage in gold and copper. For the first time in seventh century Syria we see a standardisation at 18 known mints – evidently supervised by a central administration – sharing Islamic images and legends throughout. This was the first experimental and short-lived money reform of ‘Abd al-Malik. It was followed by the second reform at the end of the seventh century introducing purely epigraphic coins. The Standing Caliph coins show a lot of new features of which the symbol on steps on the reverse is the most prominent. We find the symbol on steps mainly in two forms: • a small globe on a staff on the gold coins2 and • a circle or ellipse on a staff on the copper coins, usually with an additional globe above. Besides the symbol on steps at most mints, there are also the traditional cursive m (for follis) on the reverses of the Standing Caliph coins of the jund Filastin (Iliya, Yubna and Ludd) and a capital M on a Standing Caliph coin attributed to Amman and on a twin Caliph coin attributed to Baisan or Jerash3. Before developing some new ideas concerning the symbol on steps I will briefly present the main theories that have been published so far.4 1 Wolfgang Schulze is an independent scholar. schulze@wg-s.de 2 The earlier Arab imitations of Byzantine gold coins are not discussed here. 3 A Oddy, The Twin Caliph Fals, ONS Newsletter 179 (2004) 10 f.; C Foss, Arab-Byzantine Coins, An introduction, with a Catalogue of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, Washington DC, 2008, 60 f. 4 The theory of André GRABAR (L’Iconoclasme byzantin, Paris, 1957, p.75), reading the symbol on steps as the Greek letter theta for Theos = god, can be dismissed as well as the theory of Volker Popp (‘Die frühe Islamgeschichte nach inschriftlichen und numismatischen Zeugnissen’, in: K-H Ohlig and G Puin, eds., Die dunklen Anfänge , 2nd edition, Berlin, 2006, 70) interpreting the symbol on steps as Beth-El (house of god) in the form of the jegar-sahaduta (pile of testimony), the Aramaic name which Laban gave to the pile of stones erected as a memorial of the covenant between him and Jacob (Genesis 31:47). John Walker in his ground-breaking book about the Arab-Byzantine coinage was very cautious about interpreting the symbol. He only remarked that it resembles the Greek letter phi.5 Furthermore he saw the possibility that it is a transformed cross on steps “borrowed” from a reverse type of a Byzantine solidus. But he was not convinced and put the words “cross on steps” in parentheses. Nevertheless the idea of the transformed cross on steps imitating Byzantine prototypes found its way into the numismatic literature and remained there for long-time6, although the meaning of the symbol on steps, which does not look like a cross, remained unclear. In other words, the Christian cross was transformed, but into what? Or was there no “transformation” and did the Arabs invent their own symbolism? To follow this line of thought I will start with a quotation from Chase Robinson: “ ‘Abd al-Maliks intense (and short lived) period of experimentation in design, which began with the “standing caliph” issues and ended with the purely epigraphic coins of the reform shows that the Marwanids were now pressing coinage into service for ideological purposes.”7 Following this premise and the consequent idea that the Standing Caliph coins were the first coins with purely Arabic symbolism, we should not classify them as “Arab-Byzantine” but we must seek a new - that means “Arabic” - interpretation of what we are seeing on them. Elizabeth Savage was the first to dismiss the old theory of the transformed cross on steps derived from Byzantine prototypes. She interpreted the pole on steps on the gold coins as ‘anazah on steps, the spear of the prophet symbolizing the supreme authority of the Muslims’ God. On the copper coins she saw the symbol on steps as spear and shield.8 Nadia Jamil, however, has tried to interpret the symbol on steps using Islamic poetry. She thinks that the Byzantine cross on steps was transformed by ‘Abd al-Malik into the qutb, a very complicated, polyvalent concept of the Islamic world view. The pole is seen as a spear surrounded by an ellipse symbolising the central, religious authority of the caliph.9 For both these interpretations of Savage and Jamil I concur with the comment of Tony Goodwin: “They have their attractions and are certainly more convincing than the old ‘not a cross’ interpretation. However, neither author has been able to produce convincing evidence, documentary, archaeological or in the form of other contemporary artefacts, to support their case.”10 Possibly both interpretations are too complicated to be understood by the contemporary population having the coins in their hands. If the Standing Caliph coins were meant to be a medium for disseminating Islamic ideology, then that ideology had to be clear and evident for everyone. The symbol on steps was even more important than the shahāda written around the circumference of the coin. The interpretation of both authors as spear is not convincing. Why was the spear not clearly pictured as on a contemporary Arab-Sasanian coin, the so called mihrāb and ‘anazah dirham? Apart 5 J Walker, A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Rreform Umaiyad coins, (A catalogue of the Muhammadan coins in the British Museum), vol. II, London, 1956, xxiii and xxxii. Recently Stefan Heidemann has revived this association in a German exhibition catalogue (Die Kunst der frühen Christen in Syrien, Mainz, 2008, 205) interpreting the symbol possibly as a declaration of value for fals/fulus. 6 See, for example P Grierson, ‘The Monetary Reforms of ‘Abd al-Malik’, JESHO 3 (1960) 246 and Byzantine Coins, Berkely and Los Angeles, 1982, 146; G C Miles, ‘The Earliest Arab Gold Coinage’, ANS MN 13 (1967) 215. 7 C F Robinson, Empire and Elite after the Muslim Conquest, Cambridge, 2000, 52; cf. also ‘Abd al-Malik, Oxford, 2005, 49 ff. 8 E Savage, ‘Arab-Byzantine Symbols of Victory’, unpublished paper given to the Royal Numismatic Society, London, 1996. 9 N Jamil, ‘Caliph and Qutb. Poetry as a source for interpreting the Byzantine cross on steps on Umayyad coinage’, in: J Johns, ed., Bayt Al-Maqdis. Jerusalem and Early Islam, (Oxford Studies in Islamic Art IX, Part two), Oxford, 1999, 11-57 10 S Album and T Goodwin, Sylloge of Islamic coins in the Ashmolean, vol. 1, The Pre-Reform coinage of the early Islamic period, Oxford, 2002, 93 12 from this we can suggest other problems with Jamil’s numismatic interpretation. She is referring to two Standing Caliph copper coins, published by Walker.11 Fig. 2 At first glance these coins clearly show a spear. But compared with other coins of this series it is evident that the spearhead is nothing else other than the letters lam-alif of the margin legend. Due to the fact that the die cutter started the shahāda at 12 o’clock instead of the normal 1 o’clock, the ligature found its place at the top of the pole. Fig. 3. Aleppo. lam-alif at 12 o‘clock Fig. 4. Aleppo. lam-alif at 1 o‘clock It is interesting to observe that there is a small series of irregular Damascus Standing Caliph coins showing different decorations at the top of the staff – not spearheads. Figs. 5-8 Summarising so far, we have no convincing explanation for the symbol on steps. The following reflections take into account three main premises: First, within the framework of the administrative reforms of ‘Abd al-Malik, Christian symbols were banned from public life. About 60 years after the death of Muhammad in 632, and following decades of religious tolerance in conquered Syria after 636, Islam developed gradually and – mainly for political reasons – became more important for the government. The introduction of the Standing Caliph coins is an example for this development. But we have other evidence too. Another interesting example can be found in the Roman/Byzantine settlement of Umm al-Rasas (Kastron Mefaa) situated about 30 kilometres south-east of Madaba in Jordan. On a mosaic in the church of bishop Sergius, dating from the end of the 6th century, we recognize a cross on steps on a public monument (Fig. 9), whereas on a mosaic of the church of Saint Stephen (Fig. 10) dating from the middle of the 8th century, the cross has been removed from the same monument.12 11 Walker, op. cit. 29 and Pl. VII, no. 97 and 34 and Pl. VII, no. 108 12 Cf. M Picirillo, The Mosaics of Jordan, (American Center of Oriental Research Publications No. 1), Amman, 1992, 337 and 347. Many thanks to Andrew Oddy for this reference. 13  Fig. 9 Fig. 10 Second, objects raised on steps are usually objects of worship. This phenomenon is known from the whole ancient world and as an example it is only necessary to cite the Greek/Roman temples which are built on steps. Even ‘Abd al-Malik’s dome of the rock has the traditional steps in front of the entrance. And today the altar in Christian churches is raised on steps. Third, if ‘Abd al-Malik, during his first monetary reform, used a symbol on steps, it must have been a symbol of worship. This copies the Christian cross on steps – not transforms it. Therefore it was the first attempt to create a symbol for Islam. Hence I am starting from the idea that the symbol on steps is a religious one. Keeping in mind the three premises, we have to think about the religious meaning of the symbol. To anticipate my answer, I think it possible that it is an astral symbol, reflecting the tradition of worship of heavenly bodies in the Near East and in the Arabian peninsula. I will now present some numismatic and archaeological facts to support this idea.13 We know that Muhammad, after having conquered Mecca in 630, destroyed all the statues of the pagan gods and created a monotheistic “Umma”, that means a community worshipping Allah, the single god. Before this event, the most important God in the Arabian peninsula was the old Syrian moon god Hubal (or Sin).14 The sun was his wife and the stars their children.15 In addition there were many other cults of heavenly bodies in pre-Islamic Arabia. Consider, for instance, the coins of the kingdom of Hadramaut in South-Arabia. These coins were struck during the 1st to the 3rd centuries AD. In 1937,16 and later in an article of 1952,17 Walker 13 In this connection I will not deal with the bitter theological disputes which are currently held. Some are fighting for the idea that Islam is, in truth, a Christian religion - cf. K-H Ohlig and G-R Puin, eds., Die dunklen Anfänge, Neue Forschungen zur Entstehung und frühen Geschichte des Islam, 2nd edition, Berlin, 2006. Others are claiming that Islam is merely the continuation of the old pagan moon cult. They call it sometimes “moon-o-theism” - cf. R Morey, The Islamic Invasion, Montreal, 1992; Y Nathan, Moon-o-thesism, 2 vols, Lulu-Press (books on demand), 2006. For an extensive reply to both authors from M S M Saifullah, M E N Juferi and ‘Abdullah David see http://www.islamic- awareness.org/Quran/Sources/Allah/moongod.html. 14 R Aslan, Kein Gott außer Gott, München and Zürich, 2008, 23, 28, 127; P Hitti, History of the Arabs, revised 10th edition, New York, 2002, 100 15 D Nielsen, Handbuch der arabischen Altertumskunde, Copenhagen, 1927, 193; H I Çinar, Die Religionen der Araber vor und in der frühislamischen Zeit, Wiesbaden, 2007, 152 16 J Walker, ‘A new Type of South Arabian Coinage’, The Numismatic Chronicle 17 (5th series) (1937) 260-279, plate 33 17 J Walker, ‘The Moon-God on Coins of the Hadramaut’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, (University of London) 14 (3) (1952) 623-626 14 identified the letters on these coins as reading SIN, the moon god, and interpreted the eagle on the reverse to be a symbol of an eagle cult with lunar associations (Fig. 11). Fig. 11 Fig. 12 The radiate head on the obverse of another coin (Fig. 12) was interpreted by Sedov as a Hadrami solar or lunar deity derived from the representation of Helios in Hellenistic and Roman coinage.18 The symbol on the reverse, however, has nothing to do with our symbol on steps; it seems to be a caduceus. Other Hadramaut coins19 repeat the SIN letters and show a bull, sometimes with a crescent moon between his horns. Later we will see that in ancient Syria (and not only there) the bull was regarded as the weather god (Hadad or Baal) symbolizing the sun and the moon. Fig. 13 Fig. 14 Similar symbols to those on the coins of Hadramaut (for example the bull’s head – or Antilope’s head? - and the half moon) are to be found on the Himyarite and Sabean coins. The bull’s head in combination with the moon disk may have been adapted from the Egyptian pantheon. Summarizing, we can state that the coins of pre-Islamic Arabia show a lot of symbolism devoted to the pantheon of astral Gods. The archaeological evidence of the sun and moon cults in Mesopotamia and Syria is overwhelming through the millennia. We find corresponding depictions on stelae, figures, figurines, cylinder seals, metalwork, mosaics, and pictures. One of the earliest examples is the famous Sumerian stela of Ur- Nammu (Lower Mesopotamia) dating from around 2200 B.C. and showing symbols of the main deities: the crescent moon for Nanna, the moon god, later called Sin, and the sun symbol for his son Utu. 18 A V Sedov, МОНЕТБІ ДРЕВНЕГО ХАДРАМAУТА, (English summary: Coinage of Ancient Hadramawt), Russian Centre of Strategic and International Research, Moscow, 1998, chapter II, 1. Cf. too: W Zich, ’Die vorislamische Münzprägung Südarabiens: Eine kritische Analyse des Forschungsstandes’, Mitteilungsblatt des Instituts für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte der Universität Wien 33 (06) 33-38 and P Schwinghammer, ’Sonnengott- Darstellungen in Hatra und Südarabien im Vergleich’, Mitteilungsblatt des Instituts für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte der Universität Wien 36 (08) 18-21 19 For the broadest material basis of the ancient Yemen coins cf. S Munro-Hay, Coinage of Arabia Felix, The Pre- Islamic Coinage of the Yemen, Milan, 2003 15 Another famous example is the neo-Babylonian stela of Nabonidus from Babylon dating from around 550 B.C. (Fig. 15). The Babylonian King Nabonidus is pictured possibly during a religious ceremony. Above him are the divine symbols of the moon god Sin (closest to him), the planet Venus of Ishtar, and the winged disk of the sun-god Shamash. Fig. 15. Stela of Nabonidus 20 The stela illustrated in Fig. 16 was found at Tell Ahmar in Syria, 20 kilometres south of Carchemish, and is dated to the 9th century B.C. In Assyrian times there was a centre of worship of the weather god – here symbolised by a crescent moon on steps. The depiction has some resemblance to our symbol in question. Fig. 16. Fig. 17. Fig. 18. Stela of Tell Ahmar Stela of Aşaği Yarimca Stela of Atargatis The stela from Aşaği Yarimca, not far from Harran in the Jazirah, is comparable (Fig. 17). The late- Assyrian text twice mentions the moon god Sin. On the top of the pole the crescent moon is enclosing the disc of the full moon. The stela illustrated in Fig. 18 was made about a millennium later in Dura-Europos in southern Syria. It is from the Roman temple of Atargatis, which was built by Tiberius Gemellus, a son of Drusus and Livia, during the first decades of the Christian era. Again we see the crescent moon 20 Picture © The British Museum 16 combined with the symbol of the full moon. This symbolism has survived a millennium in Syria. The pole on the staff of our symbol on steps is reminiscent of the full moon on the stelae. The symbol on steps was used in Christian times too; on a mosaic from a church in Salamiye (Syria), dating from 440 A.D., two bulls are standing on either side of a fountain of life which is raised on steps. To summarise, in both Arabia and Syria there was a long tradition of astral cults21 and the depiction of astral symbols on steps also had a long tradition. The symbol on steps on the Standing Caliph coins echoes these traditions. Returning to numismatics, let us have a look at the coins in seventh century Syria from the time before the introduction of the Standing Caliph coins. In the series of Pseudo-Byzantine coins, usually garbled imitations of Byzantine prototypes of Heraclius and Constans II, we find astral symbols only sporadically. But there is one exception; within the so-called ΛITOIЄ group, first published by Andrew Oddy22, which can be dated to the latest phase of the Pseudo-Byzantine coinage,23 we find the crescent moon and a star on the reverses for the first time, sometimes replacing the usual cross. Fig. 19 During the following phase of minting of the Umayyad Imperial Image Coins astral symbols appear in the same way on the coins of Hims. Fig. 20 Fig. 21 In addition, 6- and 8-pointed stars are now to be found on obverses and reverses of the coins of Damascus and also on the Standing Caliph coins of Aleppo, Baalbek, and Amman. 21 For further reading see T Green, The City of the Moon God. Religious traditions of Harran, Leiden, New York and Köln, 1992, and J Tubach, Im Schatten des Sonnengottes. Der Sonnenkult in Edessa, Harran und Hatra am Vorabend der christlichen Mission, Wiesbaden, 1986 22 A Oddy, ‘The Christian Coinage of early Muslim Syria?’, ARAM 15 (2003) 185-196 23 H Pottier, I Schulze and W Schulze, ‘Pseudo-Byzantine coinage in Syria under Arab rule (636-c.670). Classification and dating’, Revue Belge de Numismatique 154 (2008) 87-155, esp.132 f. 17  Fig. 22. “Pseudo-Damascus” mint Fig. 23. Amman Furthermore on coins of Tabariya24, the “al-wafā lillāh” mint and even on post-reform copper coins we recognize a bull’s head, which can – as already mentioned – be seen as a symbol for the weather god or the moon god. Fig. 24. Tabariya Fig. 25. “al-wafā lillāh” mint Figs. 26 and 2725. Post-Reform coppers with bull‘s head and half moon on a short pole respectively The same subjects appear on Arab countermarks in seventh century Syria. Both the 6-rayed star as an astral symbol and the bull’s head are recorded.26 Fig. 28 Fig. 29 Fig. 30 Summarising again, in the time before the introduction of the Standing Caliph coins we find increasing evidence for the use of astral symbols on the coinage in Syria. A short digression concerning the connection between the bull’s head and the moon worship is relevant at this point. There are some Syrian basalt stelae dating from the 9th/8th century B.C. depicting an anthropomorphic horned bull with astral symbols: 24 M Phillips, ‘Islamic legends on pre-reform coins of Tabariya’, XIII Congreso Internacional de Numismática, Madrid-2003, Actas I, Madrid, 2005, 1633 and 1638 no. 16 25 Information and picture courtesy of Lutz Ilisch, Forschungsstelle fuer Islamische Numismatik of the University of Tuebingen, Inv. No. AD10B2 26 T Goodwin, ‘Countermarks from after the Arab Conquest, Part II’ of: W Schulze and T Goodwin, Countermarking in seventh Century Syria, Supplement to ONS Newsletter 183 (2005) 42 18  Fig. 31. Betsaida Fig. 32. Tell el-Aś’ari Fig. 33. Standing Caliph coin The stela of Betsaida was found one kilometre east of the Jordan, not far from the Sea of Galilee. The stela of Tell el-Aś’ari is from Tafas, 20 kilometres south of Damascus. Both stelae show a stylised horned bull with a sword. The rosettes between the horns in the form of a crescent moon and over the sword were interpreted as astral symbols, and the whole figures are said to be cult objects for worship the moon god Sin.27 It seems that both stelae had survived a long time, eventually being destroyed or put to secondary use in Roman times. The way of representation and the similarities to the reverses of the Standing Caliph coins are astonishing, but at present it would be speculative to draw too many inferences from this. We can, however, state that there are a lot of astral symbols on the coins minted during the second half of the 7th century in Syria. In addition to that we should not forget that at the same time the representation of the Standing Caliph, as well as the symbol on steps, are appearing on consumer goods. Julian Raby has published both images on contemporary Umayyad glass jugs from Spain and Palestine.28 Raby notes: “The glass vessels belong to a moment when the Umayyads were defining a new language of imagery for Islam … ‘Abd al-Malik’s visual propaganda combined figurative and symbolic imagery”29. As we have seen this imagery echoes the old astral cults in both pre-Islamic Arabia and Syria. Taking into account this diverse imagery we have to ask what the Muslim population in 7th century Syria believed? What was their idea or image of Muhammad’s single god? Did they still associate it with the old god Hubal or Sin? We have no answer to these questions. There are no contemporary sources; the first written sources are about 200 years later and don’t help.30 “Islam in 7th century Syria was the property of the conquering aristocracy”31, writes Gerald Hawting, and Daniel Brown states that “The Arabs were living in a bubble, isolated from the cultural and religious forces of the conquered lands”32. There were no attempts of “Islamisation” or “Arabisation” of the local population. As far as we know the Koran was codified for the first time in 27 M Bernett and O Kehl, Mond, Stier und Kult am Stadttor. Die Stele von Betsaida (et-Tell), Göttingen, 1998; for myths and cults around the bull cf. S Athanassopoulou and Y Tzedakis, eds., The Bull in the Mediterranean World, (exhibition catalogue), Athens, 2003 28 J Raby, ‘In Vitro Veritas’, in J Johns, ed., Bayt Al-Maqdis. Jerusalem and Early Islam (Oxford Studies in Islamic Art IX, Part two) Oxford, 1999, 113-183 29 Raby, op. cit. p. 181 30 The Koran declares Allah as creator of sun, moon and stars – sura 7, 54. For the Islamic idea of God cf. A T Khoury, Der Islam und die westliche Welt, Darmstadt, 2001, 49-71 31 G R Hawting, The first dynasty of Islam, 2nd edition, London and New York, 2000, 4 32 D Brown, A New Introduction to Islam, Malden and Oxford, 2004, 38 19 the middle of the 7th century. But the first manuscripts date from the 9th century. We can start from the idea that Islam in 7th century Syria was not yet a fully developed religion but remained still Muhammad’s imagination of a monotheistic “Umma”, a Muslim community.33 One of the revolutionary ideas of ‘Abd al-Malik was to form a theocracy – a state that claimed to effect god’s will. “At the heart of the theocratic state was a religious office, the caliphate … and ‘Abd al-Malik represented god on earth and exercised wide-ranging authority as a result”, explains Chase Robinson34. At first this step was not a religious but a political one. For the Umayyad monuments of the late 7th and early 8th century Oleg Grabar noted: “Together with various administrative and other practices there appeared the first elements of a visual symbolic system which will serve to identify the Muslim world.”35 To invent a symbol on coins for ‘Abd al-Maliks theocracy it might seem obvious to fall back initially on the old astral symbols which were well-known to most people in Syria. Possibly in this way the new symbolism with familiar elements was easily accepted. Fig. 34. Yubna Fig. 35. Ludd If we follow this idea that the new symbol was supposed to represent Islam for everyone, we can turn to the previously mentioned numismatic problem that in Palestine, on a coin attributed to Amman and on the twin Caliph coin of Baisan or Jerash, the traditional cursive m and the capital M respectively remained on the reverses of the Standing Caliph coins and were not replaced by the new symbol.36 The traditional places of astral cults like Haran, Nayrab, Hazor, and Beth Yerah were all situated north of Palestine, whereas the centres of Christian worship were in Palestine itself. The mints of the Standing Caliph coins show the same “distribution” as far as the reverses are concerned; the coins with the symbol on steps are exclusively from mints situated north of Palestine, while all the reverses with m or M are from Palestine. It is clear that the distribution of the “symbol” reverses and the “m” reverses is identical with the centres of “pagan” and Christian worship. Possibly the first, and short-lived, monetary reform of ‘Abd al-Malik took into account the Christian predominance in Palestine and wanted to avoid coins with the new Islamic symbol not being accepted there. To complete the picture I have to raise a further issue; can we know more about the symbol on steps from the so-called Arab-Sasanian coins minted in the eastern Umayyad provinces? Here too we sometimes find the Standing Caliph and symbols on steps. 33 Aslan, op. cit. (fn.14), 121 f., 132 34 C F Robinson, ‘Abd al-Malik, Oxford, 2005, 105 35 O Grabar, ‘Islamic Art and Byzantium’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 18, Washington DC, 1964, 79 36 Tony Goodwin considers the possibility that the Standing Caliph coins of the jund Filastin preceded the other Standing Caliph issues by a few years, cf. Goodwin, op. cit. (fn. 10) 98 and Arab-Byzantine Coinage, Studies in the Khalili Collection, Vol. IV, London, 2005, 27 and 92 20  Figs. 36 and 37. Arab-Sasanian copper coins from Susa Apart from the fact that these coins are excessively rare, they are very diverse in their iconography. Rika Gyselen has shown the different depictions of the symbol on steps on the Arab-Sasanian Standing Caliph copper coins as yet only known from Susa.37 We can see that there is no centralised or uniform minting as in Syria and - following Gyselen - it seems unlikely that the Iranian mints used the Syrian copper type as their prototypes.38 Against this, Luke Treadwell has argued that the design of the Syrian Standing Caliph coins could well have influenced the Iranian issues.39 Recently Nikolaus Schindel has discussed a small symbol which is added in front of the bust on an Arab-Sasanian silver drachm (Khusro II/posthumous type) minted in Damascus 74 AH/693 AD. He thinks that it is the same symbol (but without steps) which appears on the contemporary Standing Caliph coppers. Furthermore he mentions a lead bulla showing the upper part of the symbol, flanked by two palm branches, which will be published in the near future. Schindel concludes that the symbol links the 74 AH drachms with the Standing Caliph coins and is to be regarded as an “Umayyad symbol in its clearest form”.40 Summary: During the reforms of ‘Abd al-Malik, Christian symbols were removed from public life. As part of the reforms, the Standing Caliph coins were introduced. The symbol on steps on their reverses was not a “modified cross on steps”, and not an adaptation of Byzantine prototypes, but a first attempt to create a religious symbol for Islam at a time when the Arab government in Syria was developed into a theocracy. The introduction of the new Islamic symbol was not imposed in Christian Palestine. From archaeological and numismatic evidence we can compare the new symbol with elements from pre-Islamic astral cults in Arabia and the astral cults in Syria, which had a long tradition. Even today the half moon is the most prominent symbol for Islam, appearing on a lot of many national flags and decorating the top of every mosque. This all is a new approach to an old problem, an initiative for new thinking. It is not proven but is currently a hypothesis. Further research is necessary. As we have seen, the Standing Caliph and the symbol on steps do not appear exclusively on coins but also on objects of daily life. More archaeological evidence is necessary to obtain a greater degree of certainty. 37 R Gyselen, Arab-Sasanian Copper Coinage, Vienna, 2000, types 39 and 40 38 Gyselen, op. cit. 38 39 L Treadwell, ‘The copper coinage of Umayyad Iran’, The Numismatic Chronicle 168 (2008) 168 40 N Schindel, Sylloge Nummorum Sasanidarum Israel, Wien, 2009, 18, 28-32 and Pl. 17 no. 225; J Walker, A Catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian Coins, London, 1941, 23, Pl. XXXI, 4. 21