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⁸ See Ferdowsi, Abu al-Qāsem, Shāhnāmeh, ed. Motalq, Jalāl Khāleqi, 8 vols. (New York, 1987–2009), 8: 423.Google Scholar Another variant of these lines tells the Arabs “to aspire to the royal throne, is there no shame in your eyes?” (Ferdowsi, Abu al-Qāsem, The Epic of the Kings: Shāh-nāma, the National Epic of Persia, trans. Levy, Reuben [London, 1966], 415).Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Ferdowsi, Shāhnāmeh, 8: 292–4.

¹¹ See Khatibi, A.-F., “Beythā-ye Arab-setizi dar Shāhnāmeh,” Darbāreh-ye Shāhnāmeh (Tehran, 1385/2006), 96–110.Google Scholar

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¹³ See Khosrow, Nāser-e, Safar-nāmeh-ye Nāser-e Khosroh, ed. Dabir-Sāyāqi, Mohammad (Tehran, 1356/1977), 143.Google Scholar

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¹⁵ Saad, Joya Blondel, The Image of Arabs in Modern Persian Literature (Lanham, MD, 1996), 6.Google Scholar

¹⁶ We do have evidence of more humble dishes from the Arabian Peninsula such as dates kneaded with locusts (Arabic ghathīma), see Charles Perry's foreword to Zaouali, Lilia, Medieval Cuisine of the Islamic World: A Concise History with 174 Recipes, trans. DeBevoise, M. B. (Berkeley, 2007), x.Google Scholar

¹⁷ On the doubtfulness of a battle between Rostam and Sa‘d as reported in the Shāhnāmeh see Khaleghi-Motlagh, Djalal, “The Struggle between Rostam, the Son of Farrokzād, and Sa‘d, the Son of Vaqqās (Epic and History),” Nāme-ye Irān-e Bāstān: The International Journal of Ancient Iranian Studies, 7 (2004): 3–8.Google Scholar

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¹⁹ On the Xwadāy-nāmag see Shahbazi, A. Shapur, “On the Xvadāy-nāmag,” Iranica Varia: Papers in Honor of Professor Ehsan Yarshater (Leiden, 1990), 208–29.Google Scholar

²⁰ The knowledge about the future in the Iranian world is gained in various ways which go back to the Indo-Iranian period, see Flattery, David Stophlet and Schwartz, Martin, Haoma and Harmaline, the Botanical Identity of the Indo-Iranian Sacred Hallucinogen “Soma” and Its Legacy in Religion, Languages and Middle Eastern Folklore (Berkeley, CA, 1989).Google Scholar One such drink which aids vision is the mang ī wištāsp “Hemp of Wištāsp,” which contained hashish and wine. Also see Vahman, Fereydun, ed. and trans., Ardā Wirāz Nāmag: The Iranian “Divina Commedia” (London, 1986), 193.Google Scholar

²¹ Only the Pāzand text carries this part, while the Middle Persian and Persian texts omit the chapter. See Modi, Jivanji Jamshedji, ed. and trans., Jâmâspi: Pahlavi, Pāzend and Persian Texts … (Bombay, 1903), 76 (text), 120 (translation),Google Scholar and more recently, Messina, G., ed. and trans. Libro apocalittico persiano: Ayātkār ī Žāmāspīk (Rome, 1939), 51 (text), 101 (translation).Google Scholar

²² See Modi, Jâmâspi, 7 (text), 120 (translation); Messina, Libro apocalittico, 52 (text), 102 (translation).

²³ Schmidt, Hans-Peter, “Ancient Iranian Animal Classification,” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik, nos. 5–6 (1980): 209.Google Scholar See also Moazzami, Mahnāz, “Donyā-ye heyvānāt dar Irān-e bāstān,” Iran Nameh, no. 22 (1378/1999): 253–60.Google Scholar

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²⁵ Gignoux, “Dietary Laws,” 29.

²⁶ J. Soler, “The Semiotics of Food in the Bible,” in Forster and Ranum, Food and Drink in History, 126.

²⁷ It is interesting that the Shāhnāmeh villain Zahhāk is considered to be Arab and at the moment that the Persian hero Fereydun is to strike him with his mace, the angels instruct him not to do so. The Zoroastrian texts state that by killing him, noxious creatures will creep out of his body and pollute the earth. Consequently he is chained and bound at Mt. Damāvand till resurrection, see Daryaee, Touraj, “Kāve the Black-Smith: An Indo-Iranian Fashioner?,” Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik, 22 (2001): 9–21.Google Scholar

²⁸ Herodotus, The Histories, 1.140. See Herodotus, The Histories, trans. Aubrey de Sélincourt (New York, 1996). For older translation with Greek text, see Herodotus, The History of Herodotus, trans. George Rawlinson, ed. Manuel Komroff (New York, 1944), 54. For the Greek text see Perseus at http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0125%3Abook%3D1%3Achapter%3D140%3Asection%3D3 (accessed June 26, 2011). Of course by πετεινά it should mean a fly or such creature (Middle Persian magas).

²⁹ From the papyrus evidence from the Persian occupation of Egypt between 619 and 628/29 CE, nān (bread), gōšt (meat), and may (wine) are the three most common foods mentioned by the Persians, see Weber, Dieter, ed. and trans., Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum, Pt. 3, Pahlavi Inscriptions: Texts 2. Berliner Papyri, Pergamente und Leinefragmente in mittelpersischer Sprache (London, 2003).Google Scholar

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³¹ The camel itself is a beneficent animal, but it appears that the drinking of its milk is a symbol of nomadic living.

³² Soler, “The Semiotics of Food,” 126.

³³ Gutas, D., Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, The Graeco-Arabic Movement in Baghdad and Early ‘Abbāsid Society (2nd–4th/8th–10th Centuries) (New York, 1998), 54.Google Scholar

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³⁵ Charles Perry's foreword to Zaouali, Medieval Cuisine of the Islamic World, ix.

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³⁷ For a collection of these sources on wine see, Dhabhar, Bahmanji Nusservanji, “Use of Wine in Zoroastrian Rituals,” Dhabhar, Bahmanji Nusservanji, Essays on Iranian Subjects (Bombay, 1955), 181–98.Google Scholar

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⁴⁰ Gignoux, Philippe, “Matériaux pour une histoire du vin dans l'Iran ancient,” Matériaux pour l'histoire économique du monde iranien, ed. Gyselen, Rika and Szuppe, Maria (Paris, 1999), 43.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Weber, Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum, 21–22 (P. 140).

⁴² Dādestān ī Mēnōg ī Xrad 16.20–64. See Tafazzoli, Minu-ye kherad, 33; West, The Book of the Mainyo-i-Khard, 150.

⁴³ For a collection of these sources see Yarshater, Ehsan, “The Theme of Wine-Drinking and the Concept of the Beloved in Early Persian Poetry,” Studia Islamica, 13 (1960): 433–53.Google Scholar

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