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A simple observation: Money is power

This observation is really so simple that I’m not sure it’s worth posting, but I had never thought of it in precisely this way. If you’ll note, Republicans and “sensible” Democrats all agree that we need to cut Social Security in some way, but at the same time, Republicans massively expanded Medicare under Bush (with the prescription drug benefit) and then campaigned against any cuts to the program in 2010. What is the difference here, given that both seem to target the same population and both are going to generate increasing costs in the medium term (and Medicare much moreso)?

The difference, it seems to me, can be found in a simple truism: money is power. Read the rest of this entry »

Why “sacrifice”?

Sacrifice is everywhere in politics. Austerity programs are sold as “shared sacrifice” — and pundits who take great joy in the notion of politicians ignoring what their constituents want are constantly hoping for some Great Man who will have the maturity to call for “shared sacrifice.” We are supposed to be deeply grateful for the sacrifices that members of the military make on our behalf. One of the greatest criticisms people had of George W. Bush was that he failed to call on us to make a sacrifice after 9/11.

This constant invocation of secularized sacrifice calls for analysis. Yet there is something even more important than analyzing where it comes from and why it is so effective: totally rejecting it.

We don’t need any kind of “sacrifice” in response to the economic downturn. There is no need for any country to cut any public service. There is no need for companies to lay people off. There is no need to lower our quality of life — certainly not because of some accounting fiction known as the government’s budget deficit. None of these things are necessary at all, and clouding the issue with the moralistic language of sacrifice does not change that reality.

Similarly, there is no need for the members of the military to die at the behest of their country, because they are not doing anything that is useful or helpful for the country. Dying in Iraq or Afghanistan isn’t a sacrifice — it’s a waste. Even if we stipulate that the majority of the soldiers individually think of themselves as serving their country, that just makes the situation worse, because our leaders are cynically manipulating their noble intentions and directing their efforts toward ignoble ends.

Now in the interest of justice, it is necessary that some people give things up. Many people who are accustomed to power and money need to be deprived of it. Yet that is not a “sacrifice” either, because their power and money corrupts them, damages their personality, deadens their moral senses — in short, it makes them less human. It turns them into vengeful gods demanding sacrifice, evicting people from their homees because that’s where the “incentives” are, raiding the public treasury to keep their businesses afloat and then rewarding themselves with billions of “bonuses,” pouring more and more troops into a hopeless war in a pathetic attempt to save face rather than concede defeat, and ordering subordinates to kidnap and torture people for essentially no reason. If you or I woke up in the morning and learned that I had done all that, we would commit suicide — for them, it’s just a day in the life. Depriving those people of the chance to do more harm is the best possible thing we can do for them.

What we need, in short, is not “shared sacrifice,” but a shared rejection of “sacrifice” — a refusal to offer it up and a removal of the power to demand it.

Surplus-value: The greatest gift of all?

As is typical in his ethical reflections, Derrida puts forward the idea of a pure or hyperbolic gift that would be given without receiving anything in exchange. To be truly perfect, the giver would have to forego both the gratitude of the recipient and their own knowledge that they are a good and generous person — so that the gift would have to be given radically in secret, even from the giver him or herself.

A thought experiment: might surplus-value then be the perfect gift? The very definition is that the worker is not compensated for this value that he produces (hence the “surplus”) beyond whatever wage is negotiated, and what’s more, the worker will often be ignorant of the situation. On the other side, the owners do not view this as an altruistic act on the part of the worker, but as something they are owed. It’s a gift in the sense of being beyond straightforward exchange, and it’s given “in secret,” i.e., in mutual (and willful) ignorance.

Hence the very foundation of capitalist accumulation would be a kind of pure gift from labor to capital.

The gift economy

I’ve long been extremely skeptical about the use of “gift” language in much contemporary theology — particularly of the claim that life would somehow be better if we were to implement a gift economy. Jodi Dean’s recent post helped to clarify some of that suspicion for me, because it made it clear that we are already living in a gift economy.

Beyond the notion that we should all always be “grateful” for a job — rather than regarding gainful employment as a basic part of what it means to be a member of a human society — there are also, as Jodi points out, many situations where the rewards of one’s labor are presented as a kind of gift rather than a straightforward reward. She uses the example of “crowdsourcing” contests where a corporation will mobilize hundreds if not thousands of people to produce free work for them, simply for the chance to be the “lucky winner” who actually gets paid (and indeed, gets paid much, much less than they would normally pay someone for the same work).

I would also point out the many situations where unpaid or underpaid work is presented as a “great opportunity” that will give one an edge in the continual battle for paid work. (Meanwhile, no one seems to do the math and say, “Wait, if I’m doing this for free now, and if others will be willing to do it for free after me, why do I ever expect to get paid for doing it?”) In creative fields, the rewards of such labor are supposed to be “exposure,” which is of course yet another entry into a kind of lottery — by “getting your stuff out there,” you might wind up being the lucky person who hits it big.

Everyone who does wind up getting a reasonable wage doing something like what they want to do necessarily winds up feeling a kind of survivor’s guilt, knowing that it wasn’t strictly one’s own merit that led to the job (after all, many hundreds of equally qualified people were passed over… “there but for the grace of God…”).

What would a gift economy look like if not this? And why on earth would anyone choose this over capitalism? I am not a fan of capitalism, as my readers know, but one must acknowledge that it has aspects that are appealling — for instance, the clear expectations introduced by contracts, most notably the clear expectation that everyone was doing everything for their own benefit and therefore contracts exist for (at least perceived) mutual benefit. Obviously it didn’t play out that way in practice most of the time, but at least it allowed for some kind of clear standard so that you’d know when the ideal was being betrayed.

The “gift economy” version obscures everything. It obscures the fact that workers produce value for firms, for example — working is something that helps a company, not some huge privilege that the gods of meritocracy have deigned to bestow upon you. Reasonable compensation isn’t something you should be grateful for, it’s something you deserve. Now such a position has its flaws, of course, and it would need to be complicated and nuanced to create a truly just society, but it’s a much more productive starting point than any misty-eyed sentimentality about “the gift.”

On left and right

In the wake of our heated discussion of distributism, commenter Charlie Collier and I have been corresponding via e-mail. We tend to butt heads due to differing temperaments and differing approaches to dialogue, but ultimately it has pushed me to clarify the reasons behind my preference for the left-wing tradition and my dismissal of right-wing solutions as ultimately fantasies.

My preference is not based in a comparison of the various body counts or of any other obvious assessment of whether one side has been “worse” than the other — obviously both left- and right-wing revolutions have included their own horrors, though just as obviously the number of people who facelessly met their premature demise as a result of the inhuman priorities of capitalism is much greater than both put together.

No, my preference is based fundamentally on my assessment of the problem. Capitalism is a universal and universalizing force, an amazingly adaptable and expansionary force that can bring seemingly everything under its sway. As such, any solution to that problem has to operate on the same level of universality. The left recognizes the universal scope of the problem, and even if its concrete attempts at a solution are exhausting themselves at present (sadly even its reformist solution of social democratic welfare states), it still has enduring relevance as the tradition that has most convincingly diagnosed the nature and scope of the problem facing contemporary humanity. It is an indispensible starting point.

By contrast, the right wing response to capitalism is to attempt to erect some type of particularity as a bulwark against it. Read the rest of this entry »

The Future, or The Society of Looting

Give me back the Berlin Wall
Give me Stalin and St. Paul
I’ve seen the future, brother:
It is murder
— Leonard Cohen

That has long been one of my favorite quotations, and I’m convinced that it becomes truer by the day. We have all seen the future, because the horizon of the future is closer than ever before — in fact, I am unaware of an individual or institution that seems able to project any kind of future further than about two years at the very most.

Read the rest of this entry »

Election reflection: It’s the economy, stupid

Since the 2008 election, I have found myself increasingly disinclined to comment on national politics. Perhaps this is a function of my being a white male — like my demographic peers in the Tea Party, I need anger to get me interested in politics, but my anger points in the other direction. Disappointment doesn’t make for the same fiery rhetoric, and what’s more, I’m retrospectively embarrassed by the degree to which I got caught up in the blogospheric illusion that commenting publicly on politics was a significant political act.

Since I’m posting, though, I want to draw a point out that very few pundits will likely make. The lesson of this election is simple: all things being equal, voters are overwhelmingly concerned with the economy and expect government to manage it well. Many people of course believe that the government manages best by managing least, but still, they are primarily concerned with the government’s role in the economy in their electoral choices.

Short-term crises may temporarily change this calculation, but in the long run, legitimacy and authority in a modern democracy stems from economic management — “economy” is the central category of our political reality and must form the starting point of all critical reflection on our political situation and prospects.

Affordability

In light of recent proposed budget cuts in various countries, I feel compelled to mount a defense of the common sense concept of the government being able to “afford” something: Read the rest of this entry »

The financial passage à l’acte

Zizek has often said that the truly ethical act is one that changes the standards by which ethical acts are judged. On the face of it, it appears that the actions of the Too Big To Fail firms in the mortgage markets qualify — in the normal run of events, fraud on this scale should obviously be punished, but it has reached a point where applying the rules could trigger another financial crisis, thus causing massive human suffering. By flouting the law in such a systematic way, the banks have de facto rewritten the law for what counts as a valid transfer of a mortgage and put the public at large into a situation where we basically have to hope and pray they don’t get fully called out on it, since that would lead to another systemic collapse.

At the same time, Zizek would doubtless point out that this is the seemingly radical change that ensures that nothing changes — a pseudo-radical gesture that makes sure that society still is working to the advantage of the capitalist class, within which the financial sector now plays a hegemonic role in basically all developed nations.

Evil as privation in the world of finance

We learned in 2008 that many of the mortgage-backed securities that caused the financial crisis were based on mortgages that were obtained under false pretenses. Examples include the infamous “liar loans” that didn’t require verification of any information, or loan applications where the originator filled in the paperwork with false numbers so the borrower would qualify. There were also widespread instances of people being given subprime loans when they would have qualified for a prime loan, due to the higher interest rates and profits associated with subprime.

Furthermore, we also know that many of these subprime mortgages were not really mortgages in the traditional sense of a long-term loan that is paid off through steady installments — rather, the intention from the ground up was for them to be periodically refinanced. Hence the bizarre structures where the payments would suddenly balloon up after a few years, or where you could pay interest-only for a while, or where you could even negatively amortize the home by paying less than the interest accrued.

From the borrower’s side, these mortgages were structured more like credit cards, whose usurious rates make them into more of a means of sucking as much money out of the borrower as possible rather than collecting the debt as such (the original amount of the loan is usually paid many times over through high interest rates once someone becomes delinquent). From the lender’s side, these mortgages were a vehicle whereby they could take a cut of rising housing prices each time the borrower refinanced — in a sense, the mortgage existed as a way for the bank to speculate on the housing market.

Securitization adds another wrinkle, as many originators simply wanted to produce loans that they could then sell off to be securitized, making collection, etc., into someone else’s problem and encouraging things like the “liar’s loan” that would be insane from the perspective of a company that was directly lending the funds.

So we have mortgages based on lies that were not intendend for the purposes normally associated with mortgage lending. Now we’re learning that the legal processes necessary to carry out the securitization process was in many — perhaps even most — cases not actually followed. The transfer of property rights that lies at the basis of a form of security that has wrought massive destruction may never have happened, meaning that mortgage-based securities, which nearly brought down the financial system and triggered a near-depression that has ruined countless lives, may not technically exist.

In short: Mortgages that weren’t really intended as mortgages were often given to people based on lies, and were then not legally passed onto the financial intermediaries for which the whole system existed. If ever there was a real-world example of the theological notion of evil as a pure absence, this is it — this massive series of gaps has created and almost certainly will continue to create hugely destructive real effects. One even begins to suspect that the story of the Fall was a kind of prophecy of our current situation, with the devil selling the first couple an apple he didn’t own, in order to gain dominion over them in the guise of empowering them.