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The Wayback Machine - https://web.archive.org/web/20100821115649/https://self-evident.org/

Link dump

“The government does not do enough to promote disease.” A great article pointing out the difference between cost and value (via Naked Capitalism). Of course, this is just a modern take on the Broken Window Fallacy, but it is still worth keeping in mind. Always.

Huxley vs. Orwell (via John Cook). Do not miss. Related: Too Much Information.

This week’s Keiser Report was pretty good; his interviewee is a Real Person.

What motivates humans? (via Chris Masse). Another one of those Marxist time-lapse animation videos.

Just what are you implying?

Tracy Alloway points us to another fun indicator:

Type JCJ GP on your Bloomberg.

You’ll get a chart that looks like this:

It’s the CBOE’s S&P 500 Implied Correlation Index — based on options expiring in January 2011. It’s a basic measure of the correlation of stocks within the S&P 500, and you can see that it’s been approaching the end of day record it hit back in July.

Unfortunately, I do not have a Bloomberg terminal. But my Goog-Fu is strong, so I bring you the free version:

CBOE SPX implied correlation index Jan 2011

So what is this thing, exactly? The CBOE’s page is a little vague, but their white paper provides details.

The basic idea is this. According to the standard Black-Scholes options pricing model, option prices depend on the “volatility” of the underlying asset’s price. By examining option prices and then inverting the Black-Scholes formula, you can infer the market’s estimate of the volatility of the underlying. This is called the “implied volatility”.

Now, options trade not only on individual stocks, but also on indices. (You may have heard of the VIX). Since an index is just a basket of stocks, there should be some relationship between the volatility implied by an option on an index and the volatilities implied by options on the stocks in the index.

And there is. For example, suppose you have two stocks with equal volatilities and you construct a portfolio containing those two stocks in equal weight. Then the volatility of the portfolio — aka. “the standard deviation of the average of two random variables” — will be 1/sqrt(2) times the volatility of either stock.

…if the stocks are totally uncorrelated, that is. If instead the stocks are perfectly correlated — i.e., they move together exactly all the time — then the volatility of the portfolio will obviously be identical to the volatility of either stock. And if, say, the stocks are perfectly anti-correlated — i.e., they move exactly opposite to each other all the time — then the volatility of the portfolio will obviously be zero, since the portfolio’s value will never change.

In other words, by examining the implied volatility of an index and comparing it to the implied volatility of the stocks in the index, we can deduce the market’s implied correlation for the stocks in the index. The math for more than two stocks and unequal weights is a little more complicated, but should be familiar if you ever took an undergraduate class in statistics; see the white paper for details.

(The correlation between two random variables is quantified by their “correlation coefficient”. Perfectly correlated variables have a correlation coefficient of 1; perfectly anti-correlated, -1; totally uncorrelated, 0. This index calculates the implied average correlation coefficient for the S&P 500.)

One caveat: The CBOE implied correlation index only examines the implied volatility of the top 50 stocks in the S&P 500. From the white paper:

On May 29, 2009, the total capitalization of the 50-stock basket was $4.15 trillion. The weight of Exxon Mobil Corp (XOM), the largest component in the 50-stock basket, was 8.3% ($343 billion / $4.15 trillion), compared to 4.3% in the S&P 500 Index.

Which is a convoluted way of saying the top 50 stocks represent 4.3/8.3 = 52% of the market cap of the entire S&P 500. If for some reason the correlation of those stocks is not representative of all of the stocks in the index, the implied correlation calculation could give the wrong answer. (I have not yet tried to quantify this. Maybe later.)

Summary: This indicator provides the market’s expectation for the correlation of S&P 500 stocks between now and Jan 2011. And it has been spiking recently, which means the market is expecting everything to move together, one way or another…

She was always using the word “infer”
When she obviously meant “imply”
And I know some guys would put up with that kind of thing
But frankly, I can’t imagine why
W.A. Yankovic

Various indicators are getting interesting

USD/JPY touched 84.73, a 15-year high for the Japanese currency. Hugh Hendry thinks it would have to reach the low 70s for the BoJ to “go nuclear”.

Here is a little trivia question for you. When was the last time 2-year U.S. Treasury notes yielded less than 0.5%? Answer: Today. Before that, last Friday. Before that, never.

And my favorite: 5-year TIPS traded yesterday at a negative real yield. Accepting a negative real yield is irrational almost by definition, because you would earn a higher return (0%) simply by buying something real and sitting on it. What the heck?

Felix quotes Scott Granis with one explanation:

You can think of real yields on 5-yr TIPS as a good proxy for the market’s expectation for real GDP growth, mainly because there should be some reasonable connection between the risk-free real yield an investor can earn on TIPS over the next 5 years and the real yield on cash flows tied to the economy’s performance via generic equity exposure.

But that sounds like total nonsense to me. GDP is itself already a rate of growth. The cash flows you get from an investment in the “general economy” are tied to GDP, not GDP growth. (Just like the cash flows you get from owning a business are tied to its earnings, not its earnings growth.)

Felix then provides his own explanation:

I don’t think that the TIPS market is pricing in zero real GDP growth over the next 5 years. But I do think it reflects worries over stock-market valuations.

I myself can think of two explanations.

First, TIPS are not linked to inflation; they are linked to “inflation”, as measured by the CPI. The CPI is not inflation; the CPI is a government statistic. If you think the CPI is going to overstate inflation for the next five years, or if you think the cost of the stuff you personally care about will rise more slowly than the CPI, you could rationally purchase TIPS at a negative yield.

My second explanation is along the line of Felix’s, but I would go further: If you are unable to identify an asset which you are confident will appreciate as least as quickly as the CPI, then again you could rationally purchase TIPS at a negative yield. (Can you name such an asset? Go ahead; I dare you.)

In my view, the negative TIPS yield is saying something about the perceived levels and volatility of traditional inflation hedges such as stocks, real estate, and gold. If these valuations and/or volatilities are high enough, rational people might well be willing to sacrifice some slight amount of real wealth for the relative certainty of preserving most of their purchasing power.

In short, the negative TIPS yield is a rational reaction to the lunatic casino that has infested essentially every market in the world.

Morgenson, again

I generally have something of a bipolar reaction to reading Gretchen Morgenson’s column.  On the one hand, if she catches me in the right mood, I’ll find her writing somewhat entertaining – I mean, let’s face it, through her storytelling she’s unwittingly producing the financial equivalent of the Darwin Awards.  On the other hand, if one actually takes her seriously, she could potentially be one of the most intellectually dishonest representatives of the mainstream media (and that’s saying a lot). 

Her latest installment, Exotic Deals Put Denver Schools Deeper in Debt, is pretty outrageous. 

She begins:

In the spring of 2008, the Denver public school system needed to plug a $400 million hole in its pension fund.  Bankers at JP Morgan Chase offered what seemed to be a perfect solution.

The bankers said that the school system could raise $750 million in an exotic transaction that would eliminate the pension gap and save tens of millions of dollars annually in debt costs – money that could be plowed back into Denver’s classrooms, starved in recent years for funds.

Ah, yes.  Step #1 to writing a New York Times human interest story: Begin with a not-so-subtle suggestion that the school system’s woes are derived from a plan hatched by greedy bankers, not the fact that the board of education decided for years not to fund their pension obligations.  By the end, said bankers will have stolen money from children.  Yes, children.   (Bankers tend to eat their young, in case you were wondering.) 

Here’s the background Morgenson provides:

Rather than issue a plain-vanilla bond with a fixed interest rate, Denver followed its bankers’ suggestions and issued so-called pension certificates with a derivative attached; the debt carried a lower rate but it could also fluctuate if economic conditions changed …

The Denver school board unanimously approved the JP Morgan deal and it closed in April 2008, just weeks after a major investment bank, Bear Stearns, failed.  In short order, the transaction went awry because of stress in the credit markets, problems with the bond insurer, and plummeting interest rates.

Since it struck the deal, the school system has paid $115 million in interest and other fees, at least $25 million more than it originally anticipated.

To avoid mounting expenses, the Denver schools are looking to renegotiate the deal.  But to unwind it all, the schools would have to pay the banks $81 million in termination fees, or about 19 percent of its $420 million payroll.

That’s a nice touch – comparing the amount to the system’s payroll.  So the school board decided to issue (taxable) variable-rate debt to fund its pension shortfall, and enter into an interest rate swap agreement to convert the variable-rate debt to a fixed rate.  That’s not especially exotic, but OK.

Why would the school board undertake such a transaction?  Well, duh, that’s the structure the Evil Wall Street Bankers sold them on.  She continues:

The school system solicited advice from several banks on how to handle this problem and ultimately decided to issue bonds that allowed it to refinance its existing debt of $300 million, which had a fixed interest rate.  It also raised another $450 million, most of which went into the pension to fill the gap on that plan.  Together, $750 million was raised using the riskier pension certificates. 

The Denver certificates contained debt issues that had variable rates and were to be resold to investors in weekly auctions; the arrangement carried an annual interest rate of around 5 percent, not counting fees and costs associated with that type of debt [that would be fees like remarketing fees, a liquidity facility, rating agency surveillance fees, etc.].  Fixed-rate debt would have cost 7.2 percent.

Denver schools had issued pension certificates before, but this time the banks added a little extra spice to the recipe: an interest-rate swap that made the variable debt mimic a fixed-rate instrument.  If prevailing rates fell, the school system would have to make up the difference to the banks.  But if interest rates rose, the swap would protect the school system from having to pay higher debt costs. 

Morgenson then goes on to explain how the bankers sold this structure to the school board, conveniently neglecting to discuss the unique risks attendant to synthetic fixed-rate transactions and skipping over the collapse of the auction rate securities market that was almost simultaneously underway.  (People who make decisions about $750 million bond deals do not read newspapers, obviously.)  I’m sorry, given the level of outright panic in the muni market at that time, I find this absolutely impossible to believe.  She writes:

According to several members of the board of education, the bankers’ presentations for the 2008 debt deal outlined its risks in broad terms, discussing, for example, what would happen if interest rates shifted or the economy weakened a bit.  The banks provided no full-blown worst-case scenarios to the board, focusing instead on the transaction’s upside: lower debt costs and a potential saving of $129 million in pension costs over the next 30 years.

Morgenson indicates that the board members were thus completely caught off guard when they discovered down the road that they might have to make a considerable termination payment to unwind the swaps and change the nature of the transaction.   

Sounds plausible, eh?  Well, I decided to do something Morgenson clearly did not do, which is take 20 seconds and search the Municipal Securities Rulemaking Board’s EMMA website for the offering documents on this bond deal, which I might add is a service that is freely available to the public because the MSRB is awesome like that.  Here is a link to the official statement.  (And yes, I realize 324 pages is a lot, but it is mostly the school system’s financials.)

You might be surprised to learn that one of the board members Morgenson quotes for the article (and treasurer at the time of the deal), Bruce Hoyt, is himself an investment banker by trade (page 67).  So is Morgenson suggesting that the folks from JP Morgan and RBC were keeping another investment banker in the dark about the collapse of the ARS market?  Is she suggesting that an investment banker would not understand the risks associated with swaps? 

Morgenson mentioned that the board of education had used pension certificates in the past, which is true.  In fact, the board issued variable-rate pension certificates in two series in 2005, which were included in the approximately $300 million of outstanding debt refunded with the 2008 transaction being discussed (page 3).  If you read further, included in the costs of issuance on the 2008 bonds is a $12,129,000 swap termination payment related to the 2005 deal (page 21).   It would seem that going into the exotic and spicy 2008 deal, the board had prior experience with both synthetic fixed rate bond deals and being well out-of-the-money on interest rate derivatives contracts.  (That is one of the worst things about Morgenson’s pieces involving swaps – she talks about termination fees as if they are just another fee, as if the contract has no real value, and as if the counterparty is not also taking some risk in entering into the agreement.  I wonder if she also thinks distressed borrowers should just be able to renegotiate their outstanding bonds when their debt burden begins to seem unaffordable.)

In case the board members failed to peruse the bond disclosure documents they signed off on, their accountant provided them with an explanation of their outstanding 2005 swap and swaption contracts (with JP Morgan as the counterparty) in the notes to their financial statements (page 49 of Appendix II), which no doubt was formally presented to them each year.   There is also an accessible and quantitative discussion of the terms, fair value, counterparty credit risk, basis risk, and termination risk associated with those contracts.  Judging by the value of the contracts at the end of the fiscal year and the termination payment that was ultimately made, it seems the board also had experience with going underwater fast on a swap before the 2008 deal.

Now, if Morgenson had done this research going into her interviews, don’t you think she would have asked the board members why they chose to enter into this kind of transaction given their immediate past experience with derivatives?  I’m actually kind of curious what the response to that question would be.  The best explanation she provides is that the board was advised to conduct this transaction, and the adviser (Royal Bank of Canada) had a conflict of interest (of which the board was aware, because it signed a waiver acknowledging as much) because the same firm was serving both as the board’s financial adviser and the remarketing agent on the bonds, thus making money on the deal.  (And why would the board, if it cared at all, find this arrangement acceptable?)

In fact, Morgenson does little to explain the board’s motivation for entering into the transaction, which I think is why she invests so much effort in trying to draw an analogy between this bond issue and the nefarious adjustable-rate mortgages that some home buyers used.  I suppose someone could call synthetic fixed rate pension debt an affordability product, but that’s about the only similarity between the two.  It’s actually a ludicrous comparison.  At any rate, she wants you to take it for granted that the board was simply duped.

I think there are two things that could have motivated this transaction that were not explored in the article.  The first is that the system had outstanding debt that needed to be addressed.  I was somewhat curious as to why they would have needed to make such a large payment on the 2005 PCOP swaps, given the valuation included in the financials just a few months before that.  Incidentally, it appears that deal was insured by Ambac, which had lost its AAA rating from Fitch just months before the 2008 deal closed.  The board probably would have been highly motivated to get out of that contract at the time.  The second is that the board was likely OK at the time with taking considerable risk  to reduce its cost of capital because it was painfully cognizant that funding a pension with debt is an arbitrage game (hence the tax status on the bonds).   A game that it ultimately lost anyway when the market crashed.

It’s not so much that I am trying to defend the banks here, but I’ve really kind of grown to despise reporters that as a matter of principle treat every idiot like a victim, to the extent that they do not even bother to question the accuracy of what they are reporting.  In this story, the board of education either (a) was looking for a financial shortcut to cancel out years of poor financial decisions that will have no inexpensive remedy, or (b) opted to rubber stamp an irresponsible transaction at taxpayers’ expense, just like they did the transaction before it. 

If anyone reads this situation differently, please feel free to let me have it.

TBAC quarterly refunding documents

Here is a link to the Treasury Borrowing Advisory Committee’s Quarterly Refunding Documents.  I’d recommend looking at the discussion charts (pdf), which include information about Treasury’s portfolio and a decent discussion of the muni market.  (The report echoes some of the points I’ve made in the past about how useless MCDX is.)

Crisis derivatives

In case you were looking for an innovative way to donate money to Wall Street, here are a few links on some new products:

Pimco sells black swan protection as Wall Street markets fear

CBOE developing tail event index

(from earlier) Citi plans crisis derivatives

Some thoughts on the Goldman settlement

The blogosphere seems somewhat undecided about whether or not the SEC settlement will be a net positive for Goldman.  Felix thinks it is definitely a win for Goldman.  Ritholtz disagreesTom Adams (on Naked Capitalism) is somewhere in-between.  For what it is worth, I am inclined to agree with Felix on this one.  I also think the settlement shows why financial reform will be a disaster.

The bottom line on this settlement is that it is, as Bloomberg put it, “affordable.”  The possibility of being branded with securities fraud placed the entire firm in a precarious position.  The SEC could have stuck Goldman with some multiple of the amount that the agency ultimately accepted.  It did not.  It could have made the firm make a more powerful statement of responsibility.  It did not.  It could have forced management changes on the firm.  It did not.  Why?  Given what I know about the mechanics of the transaction and having seen the materials available to investors, I am not willing to accept that the SEC was negotiating from a position of weakness here.  How do you get this outcome from those circumstances?

The most obvious answer is that the decision to sue Goldman was entirely politically motivated.  The timing of the announcement – less than two hours after the financial reform legislation cleared the Senate – and the fact that this case was directed at the most prominent populist target seem to support this theory.  Once the threat to Goldman lost its immediate pragmatic value, they let go.

Wait a minute, you say.  How can The Powers That Be simultaneously want to reform Wall Street and be indifferent to whether a prominent Wall Street firm “gets the message” that it should play fairly?  Does that not seem contradictory?

Only if you think anyone in Washington that is elected or appointed actually gives a damn about financial reform, and they do not.  This piece of legislation was about the outcome of primary elections and having a victory to claim come November.  If anyone cared about changing Wall Street, they’d be figuring out how to smash the major players to pieces.  Instead, they are largely rewarding the very same regulators that enabled the financial crisis in the first place with more powers not to exercise and hosting fundraisers before they vote

The thing to take away from this settlement is that in a world where financial institutions are allowed to grow to a level of influence where they cannot be unwound without significant economic consequences, they will not be meaningfully disciplined.  Those in a position of authority are removed enough from reality to believe that no one has caught on to this game yet.

Kind of like Howard Beale, but real

Dylan Ratigan was the only good thing about CNBC. But he was never this good.

Ratigan’s Righteous Rant

I guess I have to start watching TV again.

Rainbow^2

Original

Song

KFC ad

Mostly video links

Will It Blend? Vuvuzela

The financial crisis from a Marxist perspective. It is a little scary how much of this I agree with.

Turning a sphere inside out, Part 1 and Part 2 (via John Cook).

Klein bottle opener (also via John Cook)